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双语阅读学习(二)民权炸弹

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双语阅读学习(二)

Blaming Victims For Mail Bombs Carries Echoes Of Civil Rights Bombings
 
SCOTT SIMON, HOST:
 
Before authorities apprehended a suspect in the mail bomb spree, the case prompted all kinds of speculation about the motivations that could be behind it. Here's what a talk radio host, Michael Savage, had to say.
 
(SOUNDBITE OF RADIO SHOW, "THE SAVAGE NATION")
 
MICHAEL SAVAGE: It's a high probability that the whole thing is set up as a false flag to gain sympathy for the Democrats to get our minds off the hordes of illegal aliens approaching our southern border.
 
SIMON: That kind of talk echoes back to another era in American history when bombs were a tool of political intimidation. NPR's Debbie Elliott reports.
 
DEBBIE ELLIOTT, BYLINE: In the 1950s and '60s, Birmingham, Ala., was known by another name.
 
JEFF DREW: Bombingham - Bombingham, Alabama - B-O-M-B.
 
ELLIOTT: Jeff Drew grew up on a street called Dynamite Hill because so many black families were bombed for moving into the predominantly white neighborhood.
 
DREW: It would push the furniture off the floor and break the windows and scare us all to death. So terrorism is nothing new for this part of Birmingham, Ala. We experienced it firsthand.
 
 
 
ELLIOTT: There were more than three dozen unsolved, racially motivated bombings in Birmingham during the civil rights era - mostly houses and churches. And Drew says there was a pattern after the attacks - authorities would accuse victims of planting the bombs.
 
DREW: That's the most inhumane thing you could think of. Who would bomb their own house?
 
ELLIOTT: But that rumor was widely circulated in white circles, says Diane McWhorter, who wrote a book about the Birmingham civil rights movement.
 
DIANE MCWHORTER: The understood motive was that blacks were bombing their own churches and buildings in order to raise money and get publicity for the movement.
 
ELLIOTT: She says it was repeated publicly by politicians, including Alabama's segregationist governor, George Wallace. Other common theories were that the bombings were ordered by Martin Luther King Jr., were part of a communist plot or orchestrated by the FBI.
 
MCWHORTER: It was repeated so often. I mean, I grew up hearing this from my own father. You know, I think they started believing it. And part of the reason they were able to believe it was that, until the 16th Street Church bombing in September of 1963, when four young girls were murdered, there had been no real fatalities.
 
ELLIOTT: Even after that deadly Ku Klux Klan attack, police at first zeroed in on the church's black janitor as a suspect. Historian Taylor Branch says conspiracy theories were rampant across the South as African-Americans pushed for equal rights.
 
TAYLOR BRANCH: It shows the lengths that people will go to not to acknowledge something that they don't want to believe.
 
ELLIOTT: For instance, what happened in Mississippi during Freedom Summer in 1964.
 
BRANCH: Three of the civil rights workers were kidnapped by a sheriff's posse of Klansmen and murdered. And because the bodies weren't found, Mississippi officials denied that segregationists could have done this crime and said, first of all, they said there was a hoax. Senator James Eastland even told that to the president on the phone.
 
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
 
JAMES EASTLAND: I don't believe there's three missing.
 
LYNDON B. JOHNSON: You got their parents down here.
 
EASTLAND: I believe it's a publicity stunt.
 
ELLIOTT: Branch says polarizing times, then and now, lead to an ideological climate where conspiracy theories thrive. It's a low point for the country, says Democratic Senator Doug Jones of Alabama. He's a former U.S. attorney who prosecuted the Birmingham church bombers.
 
DOUG JONES: We are living in a time where words matter, just like they did back in the '60s. There were so many things that happened then based on the empowerment that public officials like George Wallace gave. Do people not understand what it takes to kind of tone down the rhetoric to make sure that things like this don't happen with some deranged fool out there who wants to try to hurt people, thinking that he's got the OK to do it?
 
ELLIOTT: Federal officials declined to talk about potential political motivations, but in a news conference announcing the arrest, Attorney General Jeff Sessions acknowledged the suspect, quote, "appears to be a partisan." Debbie Elliott, NPR News.

将邮件炸弹归咎于受害者,与民权炸弹如出一辙


主持人:斯科特•西蒙


在当局逮捕邮件炸弹袭击案的一名嫌疑人之前,这起案件引发了各种猜测,怀疑其背后的动机。以下是一位电台谈话节目主持人迈克尔·萨维奇的原话。


(广播节目“野蛮的国家”)


迈克尔·萨维奇:很有可能整件事都是假的,目的是为了博取民主党人的同情,让我们不去想那些接近我们南部边境的非法移民。


西蒙:这种说法让人想起美国历史上的另一个时代,当时炸弹是政治恐吓的工具。NPR新闻的黛比·埃利奥特将带来报道。


黛比·艾略特(DEBBIE ELLIOTT)报道:在20世纪50年代和60年代,阿拉巴马州的伯明翰(Birmingham)。,是另一个名字。


杰夫·德鲁:邦宾汉-邦宾汉,阿拉巴马- B-O-M-B。


艾略特:杰夫·德鲁在一条叫炸药山的街道上长大,因为很多黑人家庭因为搬到白人居多的社区而遭到轰炸。


德鲁:它会把家具从地板上推开,打碎窗户,把我们都吓死了。因此,对阿拉巴马州伯明翰的这一地区来说,恐怖主义并不是什么新鲜事。我们亲身经历过。




艾略特:在民权时代,伯明翰有30多起因种族原因而未得到解决的爆炸事件,主要是房屋和教堂。德鲁说,袭击发生后有一种模式,当局会指控受害者埋下炸弹。


珠儿:这是你能想到的最不人道的事情。谁会炸掉自己的房子?


艾略特:但是这个谣言在白人圈子里广为流传,黛安·麦克沃特说,她写了一本关于伯明翰民权运动的书。


DIANE MCWHORTER:大家都知道,动机是黑人为了筹集资金和宣传运动而炸毁自己的教堂和建筑。


艾略特:她说这句话被政治家们公开重复,包括阿拉巴马州的种族隔离主义者州长乔治华莱士。另一种普遍的说法是,爆炸是马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King Jr.)下令制造的,是共产主义阴谋的一部分,或者是联邦调查局(FBI)精心策划的。


麦克沃特:这种情况经常发生。我是说,我从小就从我父亲那里听到这些。我想他们开始相信了。他们之所以能够相信这一点,部分原因是,直到1963年9月16号街教堂爆炸案,4名年轻的女孩被谋杀,才真正造成了死亡。


艾略特:即使是在三k党的致命袭击之后,警察一开始还是锁定了教堂的黑人看门人作为嫌疑犯。历史学家泰勒·布兰奇说,随着非洲裔美国人争取平等权利,阴谋论在南方猖獗。


泰勒·布兰奇:它表明了人们为了不承认他们不愿相信的事情而付出的努力。


艾略特:比如,1964年自由之夏密西西比发生的事情。


分支:三名民权工作者被三k党治安官的一伙人绑架并谋杀。由于尸体没有被找到,密西西比州官员否认种族隔离主义者可能犯下了这一罪行,并说,首先,他们说这是一场骗局。参议员詹姆斯·伊斯特兰甚至在电话里告诉总统。


(存档录音)


詹姆斯·伊斯特兰:我不认为有三个人失踪。


林登·约翰逊:他们的父母在这里。


伊斯特兰:我认为这是一个宣传噱头。


艾略特:布兰奇说,从那时到现在,两极分化的时代导致了一种意识形态的氛围,阴谋论在这里蓬勃发展。阿拉巴马州民主党参议员道格·琼斯说,这对美国来说是一个低谷。他是起诉伯明翰教堂爆炸案的前美国检察官。


道格·琼斯:我们生活在一个文字很重要的时代,就像60年代那样。当时发生了很多事情都是基于像乔治华莱士这样的政府官员所给予的权力。难道人们不明白,为了确保这样的事情不会发生在那些疯狂的傻瓜身上,他们想要伤害别人,认为自己可以这么做吗?


埃利奥特:联邦官员拒绝谈论潜在的政治动机,但是在宣布逮捕的新闻发布会上,司法部长杰夫·赛辛斯承认嫌疑人“似乎是一个党派”。NPR新闻,黛比·埃利奥特报道。
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